Friday, December 21, 2012

MB Lal's article-3

 Privatise Housing to Save
The Middle Class
By M.B. Lal

            The Times of India has done a service to the youth of India by highlighting on its front page the plight of Moulshri Mohan, the girl who obtained 93.5% marks in her CBSE exam and still could not get admission to a Delhi University College though Ivy League universities in America welcomed her with open arms.
            Moulshri is lucky to be born in a family that can afford to educate her abroad. There are thousands of other equally bright aspirants whose ambitious to scale great heights in Society are abruptly thwarted by their inability to enter the portals of good college.
            The answer lies not in opening more colleges but in making life more bearable at the middle level. This is not as difficult as it seems. The Government can achieve this objective within the frame work of its existing policies. Today a fresh post-graduate from college starts life with a monthly salary of either a lakh and above or just Rs.10,000 to 15,000 a month. Within a few years the former’s salary takes quantum leaps to three or four lakhs a month while the latter keeps hopping from job to job to get a raise of few thousand.
            The first question that stares every college student in the face is “where am I going to live if I do not make it to the top of the ladder?” Life of the slums scares him but that is all he will be able to afford.
            This is where the Government comes in the picture. The census figures show that 65% of India’s population is below 35 and 50% below 25.
            On their own members of this large segment cannot own a house. At the same time plots in residential colonies that DLF was selling at Rs.12 a square meter in 1955 are now selling at Rs. Three lakhs square meter, a climb of 25,000 times, or even higher.
            The Government has done a great deal in the housing sector in Delhi but it has committed three blunders which mollify much of the good that its policies would have yielded:
            First Mistake. The Government has built tens of thousands of houses and sold them at cheap rates to individuals who use them as an item of trade and speculation.
            If, instead, the same houses had been sold to a builder or contractor, at the same price, and allotted to the same occupants on a monthly rent so that the builder could realize his costs within eight or 10 years, there would be no scope for private profiteering at public expense. Civic services within each colony could still be run by an allottees’ cooperative. When a tenant leaves the flat goes to the next allottee on the waiting list.
            To give an example, the house in which I live, in a cooperative housing society, was allotted to me 40 years ago for Rs.one lakh which I paid partly from my provident fund and partly through monthly installments, is now worth Rs.2.5 crores in the market, a climb to 250 times. Oversight I find myself catapulted. From the middle to the upper class. In my wildest dreams I had never fancied myself as a crorepati.
            Second Mistake. The government has distributed large areas of land to rehabilitate the poor at the rate of 25 sq metres per family. This was a blunder a waste of resources. If the same land had been given to a builder or a cooperative who would build multi-storeyed houses for the allottees and realize a fixed rent from the they would each have a more decent living space. For instance, if the 25 sq meter per head allotment of 12 allottees is clubbed it becomes 300 sq metres on which the builder can build small multi-storeyed apartments leaving some open space around them for social purposes.
            Third Mistake. DDA has gone upto three storeyes in the flats it has built. It could go upto seven storeys instead and provided lifts from going to the upper floors. Statistics clearly show that urban housing has grown into a horrendous problem simply because it is treated as wealth first and a place for shelter last. For instance Union Territory of Delhi has a density of about 10,000 person per sq kilometer which gives 1000 sq1 meters space to each person or 5000 sq metres to each family of five, while all it needs in a multi-storey complex in 25 sq metres or just 0.2% of its own share of Delhi’s land.
            The fact is that the country’s housing problem is the product of greed which treats the house as a commodity to be traded rather than a place to shelter the body.
            Judged in terms of Delhi’s population density India’s entire urban population of some 320 million people, can be accommodated in about 32,000 sq km or just one per cent of India’s land area 3.2 million square kilometers.
            The government does not have to buy all this 32,000 sq km of land. It has only to put a land policy in place which makes a house strictly a place of sheltering the body and makes it impossible to treat is a commodity to be traded.
            This means that a family is owner of a house only as long as it is in physical possession of it. If it moves to another place and takes up another house there it should surrender the present house to the next person on the waiting list.



Save The Middle Class
To Save India

            The Times of India has given its Indian readers two great stories in the last two weeks. One is the tale (originally told by New York Times) of Moulshri Mohan, the girl who obtained 93.5% marks in her CBSE exam and still could not get admission to a Delhi University College though Ivy League universities in America welcomed her with open arms.
            The other story is the revelation that urban land prices in upscale areas of Delhi are four times the circle rates, that is, between eight and 10 lakhs rupees a square metre. This is about one lakh times the price at which DLF was selling similar plots, half-a-century ago in 1955.
            Most readers would have missed the intimate link between these two major trend setting stories. Why are Moulshri and her generation of high scorers so set upon getting admission into the best institutions in the world?
            It is because these young people have set their eyes on the same plots which they will need to survive at the top of the social ladder. This is a target a thousand times more difficult to attain them it was for a young man or woman starting a career in 1955 (assuming that the price index has risen a 100 times since then). What is worse for this generation, they have no other option to survive with dignity. The combined onslaught of rising prices and the cult of consumerism has virtually wiped out the middle class in India which is the backbone of any cultured community.
            The first need of any one starting life is the need of a place to live. Surely the population of India has not grown 1,00,000 times in 50 years to warrant this rise in land prices.
 ___________________________________________




Thank you very much for your mail which I have only just seen. You see, I do not use this ID normally but The Hindu keeps posting it up there on the net! The ID I do use is psainath@gmail.com

The point you make about minimum wages act I fully endorse.

Regards\Sainath
----- Original Message -----
From: Saroj Lal
Sent: Friday, March 23, 2012 1:39 PM
Subject: Food Availability


   Dear Mr Sainayh
                               Your brilliant study of food availability is most revealing. You are right that public investment in food farming is shrinking. The Sixties and Seventies were the glorious decades of the *Gentleman Farmer* about whom I wrote copiously in The Statesman  after touring the country extensively
                              In my humble opinion the solution lies in increasing the purchasing power of the   average worker  which means forcing the middle class to part with some of its ill-gotten wealth  and give  the worker his due. One of the first steps in this direction could be strict enforcement of the Minimum Wages Act about which I wrote  the small letter  given below in the local page of your Delhi edition

                                 ONCE  THE COMMON MAN IS ENABLED TO SPEND MORE ON FOOD THE AGRICULTURAL OUTLOOK IS BOUND TO BRIGHTEN.

                                  Regards
                                   M.B.Lal 
                  Retired Assistant Editor and
                  Bureau Chief, The Statesman



The Hindu
March 19, 2012
ENFORCE MINIMUM WAGES ACT
The Hindu has done a great service to the millions of homeless in the country by reporting the seminar on homelessness organized by the Indo-Global Social Service Society. Allow me to point out the two factors that are primarily responsible for urban homelessness:
The first is that urban housing has become a safe haven for Black Money with the result that in the last 60 years land prices have shot up 100,00 to 300,000 times in posh colonies and at least  2,000 to 10,000 times in the unauthorized slums. Slowly but surely the poorest of the poor are being driven to living in the streets.
But the second and more important reason for the growing destitution and homelessness of the working class in the urban unorganized sector is the refusal of our middle and upper middle classes to implement the Minimum Wages Act. Ask any messenger delivering goods worth thousands per day from a nearby store about his salary and he will tell you he is paid just about Rs 2000 to Rs 4,000  per month for working from 8 am to 10 p.m. against the Rs 6,422 fixed for an eight-hour day in the Minimum Wages Act.
The story is the same of workers in all establishments, be it posh housing societies where the minimum price of a small flat is two crores, big restaurants, clubs or private educational institutions. While according to an Indian Census report published in The Hindu Delhiites are the richest people in the country, the story of the vast working class is entirely different though Delhi 's richness rests on their shoulders. The IGSSS seminar reported by your paper was fully justified in highlighting the callous attitude of the middle class elite towards the working class which is thus forced to live on a "starvation wage".
About the Government's complete indifference to the open violation of the laws against Black Money and non-payment of the minimum wage to labour, the less said the better.
M.B.Lal





OUTLOOK


Magazine, May 14, 2012
Resident’s welfare? Vendors are often the target of RWA ire
housing: RWAs
Drunk on power, RWAs are exceeding their brief
At 83—if you live that long, that is—you would naturally look forward to well-earned repose in your twilight years. But M.B. Lal, a former journalist, finds himself battling not just his physical infirmities but also a recurring urban woe these days—the neighbourhood cliques of power-hungry busybodies, otherwise formally known as resident welfare associations (RWAs). In Press Enclave, a south Delhi residential complex that houses many media professionals, including Lal, the RWA had gone to the point of deciding whom he and others could employ as help and even began fingerprinting their entry after a series of thefts. The illegal practice—since only law-enforcing authorities can collect fingerprints—was snipped only in June last year after residents complained to the police.
One can argue that the RWA, rightly concerned about security, may have had its reasons to act vigilante-like, but Lal thinks it is more about keeping the colony under control. “They were paranoid about power, not security, and sought to exercise that power to terrorise members and prevent residents from speaking against them,” he says. Members of the committee at Press Enclave were finally replaced in February this year, but not until their three-year term had ended. “Residents were virtually terrorised. Their tyres would be deflated and their applications for repair work held up without reason,” says Lal.
Meant to better the lives of residents of the colonies they represent, RWAs today can do exactly the opposite with our lives, when misused by individuals intoxicated with the power—and sometimes the money they can bring. Especially when residents like Lal begin to ask uncomfortable questions.
“Our RWA was paranoid about power, not security, and used that to terrorise members from speaking against
them.”
—M.B. Lal

“Our RWA was paranoid about power, not security, and used that to terrorise members from speaking against them.”—M.B. Lal

In Bangalore, those questions came from Mallikarjun L.S., a resident of the city’s plush Sadashivnagar. He earned the ire of his RWA when RTI petitions filed by him exposed the association’s practice of charging an entry fee for a neighbourhood park as “illegal”. “They collected an average of Rs 45,000 per month. How could they when they had adopted the park from the Bruhat Bengaluru Mahanagara Palike (BBMP) and the play equipment had been installed under the MP’s Local Area Development Scheme,” he says. The Karnataka State Commission for Protection of Child Rights too issued an order asking all children up to 12 to be let in free. “For what I did, they tried to have me evicted from my ancestral property in the locality and had criminal charges filed against me,” he adds. But Jagadish G., the secretary of the RWA, told Outlook they were not alone in making children pay. “Even the BBMP runs two parks nearby and they charge a fee for entry there,” he says. “And after the park was handed back to the BBMP end of last year and entry made free, you have all kinds of people coming in and doing all kinds of nonsense.”


Photograph by Nilotpal Baruah
Any interference with parks, often the only open spaces in our cities, is reason enough for RWAs to bare their fangs. Ruling against the Rajinder Nagar RWA in New Delhi, which had opposed the segregation of its park to be developed as a playground, Delhi High Court judge Justice Rajiv Sahai Endlaw in April last year termed RWAs no less than “selfish giants”. The same year, there was also the case of Richha Sharma, a social entrepreneur who runs Sunaay Foundation, who bore the brunt of the RWA in B-1 block in Vasant Kunj in Delhi. Her fault? Running a temporary school for less privileged children in one of the colony parks, something that violated the “decorum of the society”.
Essentially a middle-class phenomenon, RWAs are besotted with the idea of creating illusory islands of middle-class prosperity that are divorced from larger realities. Several RWAs in Delhi and Mumbai are locked in conflict, often in court, with vendors who have been using public spaces in and around their colonies for years, some even before the latter were built. Harassed now for the mess they create, sections of roads they used to hawk on are metamorphosing into parking lots. Similarly, Lal has failed, despite being a member now, to convince his RWA, which has an annual budget of Rs 40 lakh, to pay its workers even the minimum wage (Rs 7,020 per month in Delhi).
RWAs can also enforce ghettoisation in the guise of enhancing security. In March this year, the Federation of Velachery Welfare Association (East) in Chennai asked its members not to rent out flats to bachelors, especially those from north India, leaving many harassed. This followed reported encounter killings where people from the north were shot dead by the police. “The public also has a responsibility in ensuring security,” says S. Kumara Raja, the association’s secretary. “We’re not against north Indians and it is just an advice, not a forceful order.” Communal segregation has long been the gift of RWAs. And no one knows this better than Delhi-based photojournalist Mustafa Quraishi, who blames their tyranny for the “worst three months of his life” in 2005 in Mumbai when he had to change guesthouses frequently, even live out of a car, after being refused flats on rent because of his religion. “Most would say that we are not communal, but the RWA has decided to keep the society this way,” he says. To his credit, he never mentioned that he is the son of the present chief election commissioner S.Y. Quraishi.
The April 15 municipal elections in Delhi too brought the focus back on RWAs. A few south Delhi RWAs, together with an anti-corruption NGO, had candidates attend a meet and sign a list of development tasks they had to carry out if elected. Says Shailender Singh Monty, one of the councillors present at the meet, “Some RWAs wanted to dictate terms. Does a signature guarantee execution? There were so many candidates who signed papers without reading them.” One of the many “unreasonable” demands he refused to agree to was the creation of three underground parking lots in 100 days. “Instead of being the interface between residents and politicians, RWAs want to exercise more than their fair share of authority. And most seek to join them not to serve residents but to become politicians.” RWAs have therefore become increasingly divisive and political as parties lust after their capability to mobilise people and as aspirants think of terms at these associations as springboards to bigger political profiles.
An example of this transformation being Sanjay Kaul, who, thanks to his role as chairperson of the United Resident’s Joint Action (URJA), went on to become the BJP’s Delhi spokesperson. And he, having used the might of RWAs to campaign against hikes in electricity tariffs, defends their actions. “The civil society gets castigated for not being interested in civic issues. So what’s wrong when conscientious and sensible citizens assert themselves?” he asks, especially when public agencies fail to address civic issues or the police fail to ensure security. But must it happen abrasively, riling residents and riding roughshod over those less privileged?
 _____________________________

Death of the Middle Class
One hot topic of gossip in cocktail circuits and drawing rooms of the elite in Delhi is not Anna Hazare or the war in Afghanistan but the pathetic story told by New York Times of Moulshri Mohan, a girl who secured 93.5% marks in her CBSE exam and still couldn't get admitted to Delhi University colleges though Ivy League colleges in America welcomed her with open arms. Some even offered scholarships.
The story was picked up by Indian media and has caught the imagination of the capital's elite because this is the dilemma facing every other upper class parent in the city and, in fact, the whole country though the malady is more pronounced in metropolitan cities where you are either 'up there' or 'nowhere'.
Moulisha's story set me thinking. Is it a sign of the progress India has made since Independence or is it an aberration that must be corrected?  When in the year 1945 I was struggling with my science books in an Intermediate college in Allahabad to clear the 12th class examination in a second attempt, a well meaning friend of my father asked me "with such poor scores what will you do in life?"
"I shall be a school teacher". I replied. How will you support a wife on a teacher's salary?' It took me but an instant to say "she will also be a school teacher. Like me, she will also have a bicycle and on holidays we shall go on long rides together into the countryside".
I could speak to him with such confidence about my future because I could clearly visualize (or so I thought) what my life would be like as a school teacher. Though paid a low salary I would still be a respectable member of the middle class. I would take on rent a small house in a lane or mohalla. Both rich and poor would salute me and invite me to their homes. My children would go to the same school and college as the off spring of the rich. The same doctors would attend on me when I am sick. When I die the whole locality, rich and poor alike, would modern for me, and my widow, children and grand children would continue to live in the same rented house as if it was their own property.
Today, unfortunately, with her 93.5% score, poor Moulshri Mohan cannot look forward to her future with the same confidence as I, “a branded failure”, could in 1945. Let me explain as graphically as possible why Moulshri cannot afford to be as complacent about her future as I could be sixty-five years ago. Some thirty years ago with my small rural inheritance I bought a three bed-room flat in Delhi at what would today seem to be a throw away price. After putting it to other uses, in 2003 I started renting it out. Within these eighty years my rental income has trebled. How have I achieved this miracle? I look for young high salaried tenants like what Moulshri would be on completing her education, with or without their spouses, sign eleven months bond with them and make sure that they leave without fussing within two years. With each change of tenant the rent shoots up 50%. Being a highly mobile lot, normally they leave on their own. But having a roof of their own to escape this itinerant existence is their first priority in life. This is not easy. Within the same eight years the capital asset value of my flat has jumped to six times of what it was in 2003 and the spiral continues unabated. Likewise, the house in which I live in a cooperative society came to me almost free forty years ago. Its value has taken a 250 times jump in this period. (A plot of land which DLF was selling for Rs.12 per square metre in 1955 now sells at Rs.3 lakhs a square metre, a jump of 25,000 times in half-a-century) Moulshri and her group of high scorers must slog to attain salaries high enough to live a luxurious life and also pay back instalments of home loans from banks to acquire flats of their own in high class condominiums.
Like me, there are millions upon millions of idle Indians whose wealth is growing exponentially without their doing anything to increase it. Moulshri and youngsters of her generation can ignore this trend only at their peril. Besides possessing two air conditioned cars, they will have to educate children who would want the best of everything including visits to malls, five star hotels, foreign resorts, buying expensive gadgets and paying for special high priced courses. For health either you go to the best (read costliest) hospital or a third grade government facility. There are no mixed colonies for rich and poor. Your class is determined by where you live. There are no middle class colonies either. The new system takes in only a limited number of people who will be paid salaries in millions of rupees a year. The rest must be content with a around lakh or two which is what even a peon’s family earns. The so called middle class must move to the slums and ghettos of the city.
Intellectuals who keep count of the assets of Ministers top bureaucrats and politicians would do well to start with their own capital gains and how they acquired them.
 ______________________________________


India has enough clout to emerge a winner in global power

Apr 5, 2011, 02.19am IST
By Kiran Karnik
Independent policy and strategy analyst
India has, for long, been regarded as a soft state. Gunnar Myrdal is credited with inventing this term, intended to mean a country where law enforcement and social discipline are low; by extension, one that is as timid and diffident in its dealings with other nations as with its own citizens.
___________________________


M.B. Lal                                                              January. 4,2013
D-30 Press Enclave, Saket,
New Delhi – 110 017,
Ph. 26863321, 4051-4993

Dear Justice Verma
            I am an 84-years old journalist and served The Statesman for 31 years from 1957 to 1988.
            My submission is that according to UN statistics about two  million rapes are committed in the world every year. India ’s contribution to this figur officially is  22,000 rapes a year  in the whole country. A British government report says that 75% to 95% rapes go unreported. This would be the case in India as well.
            Enactment of a law, however strict, will not eradicate this evil though it will certainly help to check it to a certain extent. Partly it is crime of passion, but often it is pre-planned with a well laid out trap for the woman to walk into. Consensous sex gone sour by breach of trust, through going back on a promise of marriage, falls in an entirely separate category.. For this "live in"  arrangements should be registered.
Part Two
            Rape has also to be seen as a spontaneous urge to satisfy sexual desire or craving which can sometimes be as keen as the hunger for food. Indian society provides pair bonding, or matrimony, as the only option to satisfy this hunger.
            I would respectfully submit that your eminent committee may examine whether other options can be legalized. It is a delicate matter but it has to be addressed in any realistic assessment of the issue. It is also a known fact that, despite the laws of pair bonding, man is a promiscuous animal. At times he seeks variety. Many eminent men like H.G. Wells, George Orwell, J.F. Kennedy, President Clinton and so on can be cited in this context. 
            Numerous Indian names that fall in this category cannot be mentioned in this list . Unlike the West where a celebrity's personal life is fully in the public domain, Indian leaders indulge in similar activities on a larger scale under the veil of laws that protect their " private" lives. The Verma  commission should go into all aspects of this kind of exploitation of female employees  by our leaders and examine whether it amounts to rape.
 The question is can we liberaliize and legalize  prostitution as an option? Why I am making this suggestion is because we have to face a reality. We are not only against male  vices but against Nature itself. In the West prostitution is recognized as a fait accompli, an acceptable profession Here sex workers are treated as worse than scavengers.  Their useful contribution to society is not recognized. Lord Buddha is himself credited with ordaining Amrapalli, a prostitute, into his Order.
  The commission should also examine paedophiles. Sexual abuse of children is rampant in India. According to a survey conducted by The Hindu lakhs of children are kidnapped every year in India and a large proportion of them used for the sexual trafficking trade.
   Homosexual rape is another field for close scrutiny. I have learnt that innocent male  prisoners are routinely and brutally gang raped by hardened male convicts in our jails.            
Part Three
            Ultimately, the last weapon is self-defence. Women should give up being delicate and demure. They should be strong enough to fight back rapists. According to Wikepedia there are also numerous cases of rape of men by females. When I was posted by The Statesman as its special correspondent in Chandigargh for four years in May 1969, one if the first stories I heard was of an instance of gang rape of  a man by four high society college girls. They shut a young servant in a room with them and forced him to have sex with all of them, one by one, till he fell down exhausted.
            The moral of the story is that women should be strong and given training to defend themselves.
Yours sincerely
M.B. Lal
Retired Bureau Chief and Assistant Editor The Statesmantm








No comments:

Post a Comment